Belisarius: The Last Roman General Page 16

  Fortunately, another reason presents itself. Since Procopius does not mention the marriage of Belisarius and Antonina, nor tell us the length of the courtship, we are left to assume that both took place in the brief period between Belisarius’ return from the east and his departure for Africa. The speed of the marriage and Antonina’s inability to maintain her fidelity suggests that romance may not have been high on the agenda. Yet there was a major political reason for the union. Although Justinian and Belisarius knew each other well, and Justinian felt that Belisarius was trustworthy, Theodora had no such relationship with or trust in Belisarius. Yet Theodora was the power behind the throne as shown in the Nika Revolt. Before sending Belisarius on such a risky venture, she devised a scheme to ensure that Belisarius remained loyal. The marriage was a political union which enabled Theodora to keep a close watch upon Belisarius: Antonina could easily have reported any threat of rebellion or other misdemeanour to the empress. This is the reason why the two married in such haste, and also explains why Antonina accompanied Belisarius on his campaigns. Furthermore, it also explains her inability to remain loyal to the general – since she had few, if any, personal feelings for him.

  The above would certainly help to explain one event narrated by Procopius in the Anekdota. Shortly before leaving for Africa, Belisarius had adopted a son by the name of Theodosius. During the voyage to Africa and the campaigns of conquest, Antonina and Theodosius had begun an affair, once even being caught by Belisarius himself (Anekdota, 1.18). Despite Belisarius’ fury, Antonina had, according to Procopius, been able to give a plausible excuse and so defuse the situation. However, the affair would continue throughout the campaign in Italy that would shortly follow.

  Belisarius may have had genuine feelings for Antonina, and this would explain his fury at her being unfaithful. Furthermore, his anger would also be justified in that her actions would make one of Constantinople’s great generals a laughing stock. But in failing to act he reinforced the idea that he was dominated by Antonina.

  Yet Belisarius’ failure to act may have had other causes, apart from a possible emotional attachment. Antonina served the empress and any aggressive behaviour, however justifiable, was likely to be punished by the empress, or at least lead to his recall and demotion. In this situation, Belisarius could not win, and the number of possible influences and the complexity of the scandal leaves us in confusion over the actual state of affairs.

  Belisarius triumphant

  Before leaving Africa, Belisarius continued his reorganization of the provinces that had been retaken. He also had to determine how the troops could be deployed as garrisons to ensure the safety of the newly-won provinces.

  At around this time a plot was hatched amongst some of the officers to topple Belisarius from power and so improve their own chances of promotion. Accordingly, they dispatched two messengers to the emperor (in case one was waylaid), claiming that Belisarius was planning to rebel and set himself up as king of the Vandals in Africa.

  Belisarius was lucky enough to capture one of the messengers and so discover the details of the plot. When the second messenger reached Constantinople, the emperor decided to test Belisarius’ loyalty. He informed Belisarius that he had a choice: he could either send the captured Vandals to Constantinople and remain behind in Africa, or he could accompany the Vandals and report in person to the emperor. If Belisarius was planning a revolt, he would definitely choose to remain in Africa. In the Anekdota, Procopius has Justinian accusing Belisarius of attempted betrayal and recalling him to Constantinople to answer the charge (Proc, Anekdota, 18.9). This is an extremely harsh interpretation of events by Procopius, intended to discredit the emperor in the eyes of the reader. At no point was Belisarius actually accused of treachery by Justinian.

  When the messengers from Justinian arrived, alongside his aforementioned message they delivered a piece of legislation sent by the emperor. Dated 13 April 534, it decreed the manner in which the newly-reclaimed provinces would be garrisoned by the empire. Whilst making preparations for his return journey to Constantinople, Belisarius simultaneously began to put the edict into effect.

  These arrangements proved premature. Until now the Moors had remained quiescent, mainly due to their fear of Belisarius. Upon learning that he was returning to Constantinople, they rebelled. Belisarius knew that he could not stay in Africa to deal with the rebellion in person; any hesitation could be interpreted as an attempt at revolt, as suggested by the conspirators. Therefore, he placed most of his bucellarii under the command of Solomon and ordered him to quash the rebellion. Belisarius now set sail for Constantinople, taking with him Gelimer, a large number of captive Vandals and a huge amount of treasure.

  Possibly arriving in the same ship as the messengers, Tryphon and Eustratius were sent by Justinian as tax assessors to Africa. During the Vandal occupation the registers used for tax had been lost and the two men were instructed to hold a census upon which new taxes could be based. In the best traditions of imperial policy these men claimed the best estates in the name of the emperor and judged that Arians should be excluded from their sacraments. In a very short time the population of Africa began to regret the reconquest. There was one further mistake. Justinian or his ministers did not dispatch the pay for the army. Payment of wages was now overdue.

  Belisarius arrived in Constantinople and was given a hero’s welcome. Justinian granted him a triumph for his exploits in recapturing Africa for the empire. However, the triumph did not follow the traditional practice, as was the norm in earlier centuries. Belisarius walked from his home in the city to the Hippodrome, followed by Gelimer and the other Vandal captives from the war, plus the vast amount of treasure he had secured. Once in the Hippodrome, Belisarius and Gelimer both made obeisance to the emperor as he sat in the imperial box.

  As a further honour, Belisarius was made consul ordinarius for the year 535, allowing him to celebrate a second, consular, triumph, in which he was carried around the city by the Vandal warriors in a consul’s curule chair, distributing spoils from the war amongst the population as he went. Belisarius had definitely made his name as a general. His reconquest of lost imperial provinces and the sheer speed with which he had accomplished this would have left the population of Constantinople in shock; it was less than a year since he had left on an expedition which many had thought would end in disaster. He had now returned victorious.

  However, the Emperor had not finished with Belisarius. The situation in Italy had changed in the period between Belisarius’ landing in Sicily en route to Africa and his triumphant return to Constantinople. The relations between the court at Ravenna and Constantinople had fast deteriorated.

  * * *

  * Stacks is derived from the Greek unit of measurement, the stadium. This was a measurement of approximately 600 feet (180 metres). Twenty stades is therefore approximately 2 1/3 miles.

  Chapter 8

  The Invasion of Sicily and Southern Italy

  Events Prior to the War

  In 526, the year before Justinian became emperor, Theoderic the Great had died. He had ruled Italy since 493 and established a network of alliances and contacts to secure himself in his position as ‘Ruler of Italy’ However, even before his death relations had soured between Theoderic and Justin, Justinian’s predecessor.

  Theoderic had been succeeded by his grandson Athalaric, but as Athalaric was a minor, being only eight years old, the actual power lay in the hands of his mother Amalasuintha. Well educated and desirous of good relations with Constantinople, she immediately attempted to reverse the downward trend in relations. Furthermore, she attempted to have her son reared in the classical Roman manner.

  Not all of the Goths were happy with this state of affairs, seeing no need to form a close relationship with the emperor in Constantinople and being extremely unhappy that their so-called king was being raised as a Roman. Very quickly an opposition formed, centred upon Athalaric himself. His tutors were dismissed and he quickly fell under the control of men
who turned him to drink and an unhealthy lifestyle. Contrary to the laws and customs of Theoderic, many Goths now began to secure property from Romans by force. Theoderic had been a strong king who could enforce his will; Amalasuintha did not have the strength or standing to enforce her will and follow his example.

  One man who did well out of the seizure of Roman property was Theodahad. He was the son of Theoderic’s sister Amalafrida, born during her first marriage. After the death of Theodahad’s father, Theoderic had married Amalafrida to the Vandal king, Thrasamund, to cement one of his many alliances. As a cousin of the current king, and being of a legal age to rule, Theodahad may have had a strong claim to the throne when Theoderic died. If any such claims were made, there are no surviving records of them. He had a reputation for greed and for taking property whenever the opportunity presented itself; he was not a popular figure.

  Amalasuintha attempted to halt the appropriations of property and have them returned to their Roman owners, which alienated Theodahad. He now devised a scheme whereby he would hand all of his lands to the emperor in Constantinople in return for a large sum of money, the rank of senator, and permission to pass the remainder of his life in Constantinople. Unfortunately for him, before this could happen he was denounced for his behaviour within Tuscany, called before Amalasuintha and forced to make restitution. Theodahad would never forgive her.

  As a result of the growth of opposition to her rule, and with a possible hostile, though unpopular, candidate for the throne in existence, Amalasuintha’s position began to weaken. Furthermore, the Goths were under increasing pressure from the Franks, who at this time were busy conquering Thuringia and dismembering the Burgundian kingdom. The Goths failed to make any territorial gains whilst the Franks were accumulating power

  Amalasuintha was not idle. She decided to eliminate three of the leaders of those plotting against her and sent assassins against them. She also made plans in case the assassins should fail. Accordingly, she asked Justinian if he would be willing to grant asylum to her. Upon his assent, she dispatched all of her treasures and belongings to Epidamnus, and waited for the ship to return. If the assassins succeeded, she would remain; if they failed, she would flee into exile. The assassins succeeded and Amalasuintha determined to stay and attempt to remain in power.

  Although during the course of these internal upheavals Amalasuintha had agreed to allow the empire’s forces to stop in Sicily on their way to Africa, she may have believed that the attempt would fail and that both the Vandals and the empire would be weakened by the struggle. It was not to be; the speedy collapse of the Vandal kingdom resulted in her being surrounded by powerful neighbours. The Franks were now at the borders to the north, and the empire controlled all other areas surrounding Italy. Gothic power was beginning to look a shadow of its former self and many Goths blamed Amalasuintha for the situation.

  Then, in 534, Athalaric died of a wasting disease brought on by his epic bouts of drinking; he was sixteen years old. Amalasuintha could no longer maintain her position by acting as the regent of her son. Consequently, her hold upon power weakened even further. Furthermore, at this sensitive point she received an envoy from Justinian, demanding that Lilybaeum be handed to the empire. In desperation, she sent a letter asking Justinian to think again. She doubtless hoped that the emperor would be lenient and allow the Goths to keep the city, since its loss would further weaken her position at home. However, Justinian realised that he had an opportunity to assume control of more than simply a part of Italy. Accordingly, he sent one of his most trusted envoys to Ravenna.

  Peter the Illyrian was a citizen of Thessalonica. Trained as an orator, he had a gentle manner, was extremely discreet, and was outstanding in the arts of persuasion. Justinian believed that Peter was the perfect envoy, and so he was sent to open negotiations with Theodahad regarding his holdings in Tuscany. At the same time, he was commanded to open secret discussions with Amalasuintha,the intention being to negotiate a deal wherein Amalasuintha would, like Theodahad, receive a welcome and estates in the east. In return, given her weakening position in Italy, she would hopefully agree to deliver the whole of Italy to the emperor. The envoys contacted Theodahad concerning his plans to give his lands in Tuscany to the emperor. They found him to be inclined to fulfil the agreement. Therefore they now returned to Constantinople, ready to complete the exchange with the emperor.

  Unfortunately, circumstances were to change the situation in Italy beyond all recognition. Amalasuintha, in a bid to maintain her position, chose to associate herself with Theodahad, who after the death of Athalaric was the only heir to the throne. She tried to persuade him to accept the throne, but be bound by solemn oaths to allow her to remain the political power in Ravenna. It was to be a massive mistake. After taking the necessary oaths, Theodahad immediately had Amalasuintha imprisoned and assumed personal control of Italy.

  When Peter reached Theodahad he learned of Amalasuintha’s deposition and imprisonment. With such a drastic change of circumstances, Peter halted and waited for instructions from Justinian. The emperor decided to give his full support to Amalasuintha, in the knowledge that this would create immense internal political problems for the Goths, hopefully leading to divisions and strife throughout Italy. The message would be futile. Whilst the envoys waited and the message was composed, Amalasuintha was killed upon the advice of a handful of leading Goths; Theodahad does not appear to have resisted their demands to any great extent. When Amalasuintha was killed, Peter in effect declared war: ‘because this base deed had been committed by them, there would be war without truce between the emperor and themselves’ (Proc, Wars, V.iv.30).

  Africa and Italy

  The similarities between the events in Africa prior to the invasion and those in Italy are striking. In Africa a relative of the ruler had usurped the throne and given Justinian an excellent pretext for invasion: Theodahad had now done the same. The seizure of the throne had caused political divisions and so weakened the Vandals’ will to fight: the same could now be true in Italy.

  There was one major difference: when Justinian had decided to invade Africa, he had freed troops by the use of diplomatic manoeuvrings to gain peace with Persia. The peace had also released a general who could be trusted to lead the expedition. For the invasion of Italy, the general in question was already free, having perfectly timed matters by recently defeating the Vandals, and there were no other wars to distract Justinian from his intentions. Belisarius would lead the expedition to Italy.

  It is unlikely that Justinian in Constantinople had a hand in the events occurring in Italy. In Africa, he had been in contact with rebels in order to time their revolt with his invasion. It is possible that his agents now made moves to contact district leaders in Italy, but there was little likelihood of a well-timed rebellion in this instance. The invasion of Italy, if it occurred, would be a very different event to the invasion of Africa.

  Justinian was not prepared to fight the war alone if he could obtain help from other quarters. Accordingly, he sent a message to the Franks. In this, he explained his reasons for declaring war. The recent behaviour of the Gothic nobles towards their leader Amalasuintha was a major theme in the letter, but the fact that Italy – and especially Rome – was the ancient core of the Roman Empire was also given as a reason for invasion. The ‘Romans’ were only reclaiming what was rightfully theirs. The fact that the Franks were in competition with the Goths in northern Italy further enabled Justinian to invite the Franks to take part in the invasion, suggesting that they attack in the north and so split the Gothic armies. To that end, Justinian sent a large sum of money as encouragement, promising more when the Franks actually became active in the field. He could now only wait to see if the Franks took the bait.

  The war did not, however, begin with either Belisarius landing with his troops in Italy or a Frankish invasion from the north. The first conflict occurred in Dalmatia (see Map 9). In 536 Gripas and Asinarius led a Gothic army into Dalmatia with the task of capturing Salon
a. Near the city they defeated and killed the Byzantine general Mauricius. Although they were in turn defeated by Mauricius’ father, Mundus, and forced to withdraw, Mundus also died in the battle. Mundus’ reputation as a general had kept the barbarians north of the Danube in check, and helped to restrict their raids. With his death, the Balkans were again open to invasion and this was to prove a thorn in Justinian’s side in the coming years.

  Sicily

  For the proposed campaign, Belisarius was given fewer troops than for the African campaign. First among the troops listed by Procopius (Wars, V.v. 2–5) are ‘four thousand soldiers from the regular troops and the foederati’. Unfortunately, the wording does not make it clear whether the foederati were included in the 4,000 or were additional to it. The cavalry were led by Valentinus, Magnus and Innocentius; the infantry by Herodian, Paulus, Demetrius and Ursicinus. Above these and serving directly under Belisarius were Constantinus, Bessas and Peranias. Belisarius was further allocated 3,000 Isaurians under Ennes, along with 300 Moors and 200 Huns. Finally, he was accompanied by the traditional comitatus of bucellarn, Procopius later stating that he had 7,000 bucellarii (Proc, Wars, VII.i.20). Belisarius was again given sole command of the expedition, retained his rank as magister militum per Orientem, and was accompanied by his step–son Photius, the son of Antonina by a previous marriage.